丁子霖女士仗義執言

本土派同大中華派近日就六四悼念入面加入愛國主題連番惡戰,本來近幾日蘋果日報重炮出擊,一則將陳雲抹黑為騎劫本土運動(見蘋果日報5月28日陳允中訪問 ― 第一代本土派:陳雲騎劫運動),另一方面試圖將陳景輝林輝等人也「冊封」為本土派,主流媒體的威力畢竟非同小可,頓時將本土派的聲音壓了下去。豈料人算不如天算,也許是支聯會反擊心切,將丁子霖逼得太緊,反而令丁女士大怒,在接受明報訪問時,將支聯會催逼她出口打壓本土派,不成後又稱其患上「斯德哥爾摩症候群」的言論公諸天下。丁女士在訪問中稱「這樣一個民主機構,但行事方式卻這麼不民主,以這樣不民主的態度來對待我,我提點意見,你就把我說成這樣子。我看他們轉來的一些東西,我看人家(本土派)提的意見也不是完全沒有道理啊。」

丁女士人雖身陷大陸,看事情居然比安居香港一眾支聯會大佬還透瞮。當然,因為葉公才會好龍,因為安居香港家人拿著英美加澳護照,才有苦戀中國的本錢。丁女士仗義執言,支聯會等一群離地資產階級之本質大白於天下。而這班口稱爭取民主的人專制作風,居然和北方那個專制機器多麼的相似。所以陳雲博士真的要小心了,斷人衣食猶如殺人父母,支聯會同民主黨吃了六四的老本,民眾捐款的資糧達三十年,你斷人米路,就不止是意見手段之爭那麼簡單的事情了。

事到如今,支聯會要不要自找下台階,是他們自己的事。人心已變,時勢已易。不是香港人或本土派嫌棄支聯會老套,而是支聯會、教協以至民主黨的組織方式深具獨裁作風。民主黨為列寧式政黨,黨員須服從領導意志,當然其中有防範中共特務滲透的考慮,但就處處盡顯其獨裁作風。支聯會同民主黨領導層大體重疊,故此亦然。所以話「司徒華精神不死」是對的,因為組織方式使然,承其衣鉢者當然要思想一致,犧牲香港人的福祉也要成就祖國大業。所以就算面對本土派有理有節的批評,或愛深責切的呼籲,這批人不改其志,亦不改其作風,甚至鬥氣地倒行逆施 ― 你本土派要中港區隔,港人優先,我偏高舉愛國口號,你吹得我漲咩?

所以不用祈望支聯會會回頭是岸了。就算改了口號,支聯會裡面一眾依然擁抱中國,歡迎雙非搶佔床位、歡迎走私賊搶奶粉、歡迎大陸學生來港入學,學成後同香港人爭工作,爭屋住,同香港人的下一代爭奶粉、爭學位。

對於冥頑不靈的人,先是勸籲,他不聽,你唯有不理他走自己的路。但如果他試圖代表香港人,站在台上大叫自己愛國,杯葛是合情合理的選擇。總不成把他們從台上拉下來吧?

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How China Rules (3) – Patriotism as a form of obscurantism

In China, patriotism is the highest form of virtue. Many forms of crimes can be done in the name of patriotism, be it rape, robbery, arson, murder, false statements, and more.

As the Chinese regard patriotism as the highest form of virtue, vagrants lacking of ethical values like to claim themselves patriots, and to justify their demeanour as patriotism. Patriotism is the cheapest form of virtue. You can simply be a patriot by badmouthing the others, as a way to cover up their selfishness, greediness, peremptoriness, narrow-minded and ignorance.

Patriotism means to love every individual’s life, culture and dignity of the country, instead of to love an illusionary power. Unfortunately, patriotism has been embedded in Chinese culture at its early stage, which made it only bears the form but not substance. The essence which they love is no difference from the “Great Qing”, “Great Ming”, they are just falling in love with the shadow of a strong empire.

Patriotism can be useful, but there is no need to advocate patriotism or non-patriotism. Being patriotic is to sacrifice yourself quietly, and that the country benefits from your sacrifice. There is no name to claim yourself being patriotic or a patriot, and no need to claim you behaviour as patriotic. Besides, there is no need to blame others being unpatriotic, or to force others to do something in the name of patriotism.

Patriotism is not totally useless. But it is just like other virtues, to be done than spoken, and what’s more, not to be used to demand others to succumb to one’s orders and position.

Humans existed prior to the finding of nations. Virtue of rightfulness existed prior to the existence of countries. However, patriotism did not exist before the nations did. Forcing the humans to take patriotism as their sole belief, that is converting a virtue into religion.

Patriotism is only a tool of humans, just like computers, watches, toilet papers or condoms. Condoms are useful, but don’t fall in love with them.

How China Rules (2) – China as a Republic and its ethnic homogeneity

The seeds of democracy can never thrive in China. The reason behind is that the “Middle Kingdom” has always been a vast empire ruling over the ethnic groups with various geographical, linguistic and cultural backgrounds.

Different groups have conflicts in interests and ethnic identity. They would prefer to succumb to a powerful central government for protection. To those regions, the central government can provide necessary protection, but at the same time distant enough not to intervene them. The prerequisite for any form of republic is that the citizens and politicians know each other. In the case of the “Middle Kingdom”, thanks to its extremely heterogeneous nature, that is impossible.

Even the level of homogeneity between the Canadians and Australians is higher than Chinese living in Northern and Southern China, as they speak the same language – English.

The experience between mainland China and Taiwan is different, due to the difference in land size and level of homogeneity. We simply cannot imagine the other ways of life under different environments. For examples, in some regions there are little religious conflicts, but in some regions comments on religion can be fatal. Peoples living in landlocked plateau have a completely different worldview from those living in coastal regions. We won’t understand them much, and so do they. Such difference is very important. The inhabitants of different regions in the same country have even different colours of skin and pupils of the eyes. To make things worse, the mindsets of many mainland Chinese are still embedded with 19th century ideologies. This makes things more complex and may lead to violent conflicts.

大中華派的招魂幡

暑熱潮濕的五月,時雨欲下未下,恰似香港懨悶的時局。老舊的大中華思想逐漸變成老一輩遺落的蛹,而新一派的本土意識仍處於蛻殼時期,尚未能全面進佔主流。一年一度的梅雨時節,漸呈僵化的支聯會行禮如儀地籌備著六四燭光晚會,舉著「平反六四」 的招魂幡,想著又要聽到蔡耀昌如喪考妣的哭喪,心情難免更加烏雲密佈。六四燭光晚會搞了二十多年,越搞越變得像宗教儀式 ― 泛民所搞的其他示威遊行又何嘗不是 ― 佔領中環的「愛與和平」聽落像就佈道會宣言。於是支聯會成為戀母戀大中華的宗教組織,甚至在爭取民主上不時顯露其霸道本色 ― 譬如礙於其在生時的威望而大部份人都不敢批評的支聯會創會主席司徒華,現在回望就像是中世紀在神壇上壟斷上帝詮釋權的大主教。

如果說「悼念六四」還有甚麼意義,似乎僅餘的意義就是如每年出席悼念活動受訪的家長所講︰「係最好既公民教育」―對於童稚,或者一些本身政治冷感而想了解的人,「悼念六四」 不失為認識中共極權暴虐的入手題材。不過也就如此而已。對時事稍有關注者,對於六四的取態大都早有定論,也用不著中共來平反,平不平反,亦無改中共反人 類、反民主自由的獨裁本質。大中華主義者既沒有實力推翻中共,最重要是亦無執政意志,於是就只能像怨婦一樣每年發洩一下自己的愛國卻不得眷慕之情,可哀可 嘆。

今年本土派聲音開始壯大,本土派與大中華派在網上就應否出席六四晚會激烈論戰,而一眾晚會搞手急得像熱鍋上的螞蟻,急急嚷出「愛國愛民, 香港精神」,反令爭議更熾。企圖騎劫本土意識,又抹黑本土派呼籲杯葛六四維園燭光晚會同土共五毛合流,又指責本土派只係鍵盤戰士,大中華派們真的急了。強 逼香港人愛一個不屬於自己的國家,強行將悼念的巿民置於自己愛國的論述之下,正是另一種獨裁,也是上一輩大中華主義者跳不出的窠臼。正如你對虔誠的基督徒 說沒有神的話,他會暴跳如雷的。

當然人係靠夢想而活既。話比一班發了夢幾十年的老人家聽原來你咁多年都係痴心錯付,又的確係幾殘酷既。不過班學民思潮班後生仔學班社運老人講「愛國不愛黨」,又未免太過學舌而未得深思熟慮啦。

總之「悼念六四」各有各做,自問六四情絲未斷唔想比人代表者,帶埋枝香港旗去尖沙咀悼念囉。「悼念六四」可以,不過你唔係諗住好似蔡耀昌咁,想用眼淚哭死中共呀嘛?

fVfijYq

How China Rules (1) – Maintaining stability by manipulating ethnic differences

(Original text in Chinese by Chenglap without heading)

The People’s Republic of China is not a nation-state. The way she runs is different from a nation-state. The People’s Republic of China is an EMPIRE, same as the nature of the Russian Empire and the British Empire.

Whether the rising middle class can bargain for political power is very much conditioned by the nature of the country. Only a small country with high level of homogeneity will become a middle class dependent economy, which increased the power of bargain by such class. In these countries, prior to the era of democracy, the concept of civil rights has already been widespread among citizens. Before entering the age of democracy, the age of enlightenment is already in blossom.

Consider the case of an empire. The level of homogeneity of the middle class in an empire is much lower. In that case, there is no “middle class” – of course, there are many middle-income-class citizens, but they had no acquaintance to each other, nor do they share any common values. These kinds of middle-income-class citizens, in many cases, are only the servants of the privileged class. These citizens cannot form any class or bargaining power.

The advantage of an empire lays on its vastness in landmass. In a nation-state, a single nation-wide uprising can paralyze the economy and administration easily. The paralysis can force the government to cede in. In the case of an empire, even in a situation of nation-wide uprising, there will be some regions free from the paralysis, thanks to the vastness of the empire. In such case, the administration can rely on the resources from these regions to maintain its governance. With the resources from these regions, the empire administration can have a free hand to send armies from these regions, whose soldiers grew up under different cultures and even speak different languages, to suppress the uprisings. Due to the vastness of an empire, the middle class could never match the power of the administration, no matter how hard they struggle.

Why reforming an empire is so difficult? It is due to heterogeneity among regions. In a large empire, there are always some of the regions are more advanced, some of them always remain backward comparatively. Those backward regions, in many cases, are the firmest loyalist to the empire against any reforms. The regions in the periphery of the empire are usually the ones facing the most difficult environment and the most formidable enemies. These regions therefore rely on the protection of the empire against their enemies. Therefore, whenever they smell any changes brewing within the empire interior, they are usually the first against them.

So when you speak of middle class, you need to consider the middle class of where? Is the rise of middle case in Guangdong powerful enough to push on the process of democratization in Beijing? History has proved, the rise of middle class in Beijing did stop the People’s Liberation Army in Beijing from suppressing the middle class there, but it made no hindrance to the Army from Sichuan for Tiananmen Crackdown.

Maybe today Army from Sichuan can’t do the job. But if Tiananmen Protest happened once again, an Army from Xinjiang could do the crackdown job no worse. They may doubt the rightfulness in massacring the civilians, but once they compare the risk of overthrow of the empire and Xinjiang’s subsequent loss of empire support, massacring civilians seems trivial.

Empire rules by manipulating the conflicts amongst its different regions.

There is only “One World” in a nation-state, while there are “Multiple Worlds” in an empire. The People’s Republic of China consisted not of “One World”, but “Multiple Worlds”. In the universe of multiple worlds, even in the era of Internet, the middle class in different worlds cannot join together to form a united power. To dissolve the establishment by the force of rising middle class is just impossible. Every empire in history endures a long process of decline and fall. In the cases where the reforms succeeded, the empires were usually under a condition of breakup or cessions with little lands remain.

In the process of cessions, the share of power of the middle class in the empire increase, while the resources from where the empire can draw diminish. Empire is never belonged to its subjects. An empire rules by its prestige. The source of prestige comes from the unshakable economic and military power, worshipped by its subjects. Therefore, to shake the empire, first is to shake its subjects’ confidence on those powers. Just like how the Hong Kongers perceive the British – we don’t like them very much, but anyway, we trust those guys’ power to protect us, so we find them less hateful.

So here is only way to shake the Communist China – let her fight an external war which deemed to loss. Even she losses no land, she can hardly recover from the damage of prestige. An empire is not a nation-state. A nation-state can lose many wars, but not an empire.

The subjects always overestimate the political and economic power of their empire. It remains a myth unless being challenged. The empire can continue its rule with the myth.

Simply speaking, if the 21st century is a peaceful century, one party dictatorship will not collapse. So do you think this century will be a peaceful one?

Brief Description of Commentator: Cheng Lap

About Chenglap (Netname: Kowloon Empire)

Chenglap (born in 1980) is a secondary school teacher and a game programmer in Hong Kong, who was active in the Hong Kong and Taiwan Internet community since the introduction of Internet to those countries. He was renowned for his expertise in game programming, and more importantly, his insights in politics. He was active in http://www.ptt.cc/index.html, and his articles were repeatedly quoted at http://www.hkgolden.com/, which was influential to political views of the Netizens, mainly the 80’s and 90’s generations.

Why translate the articles of Chenglap into English?

Firstly, it’s because his articles were written overwhelmingly in Chinese, which are not easily accessible to English-speaking international community. Secondly, there just has to be someone to do this. We find the voices of Hong Kongers, especially in political aspect, were submerged in international community by the Chinese Chauvinism, either by the works of Chinese mainlanders or the Chinese Chauvinism sympathists, or both.

Why Chenglap?

The articles of Chenglap were influential among the Netizens in Hong Kong and Taiwan. The ideas conveyed in Chenglap’s articles were often regarded as enlightenment of the political views of the Netizens in these countries. We believe the people in those countries should have their voices fairly represented in international level, and Chenglap’s articles could convey their voices.

Source

As the articles of Chenglap were scattered among various forums, the main source of translation was based on a compacted word file edited by Netizen of Hong Kong Golden Forum. (VER: 2013041700), available at http://filesflash.com/d3h4spcy for downloading.

Disclaimer

Consent has be obtained from Chenglap for English translation of his works.

動善時

呢個網叫得做「協紀辨方」,開張時間當然要揀一揀。《老子》第八章都有講︰動善時嘛。出第一篇文之前,先起個六壬盤睇睇先︰

呢個盤,唔可以話好好,尤其係求財方面就唔使諗啦。呢一課如果依書直說,就係利做緊官既人,唔利普通人。尤其係官殺合成木局攻身。就所占之事黎講,似乎呢度將會客似雲來,不過開片嗌交似乎少不免,有人糾眾踢館亦唔出奇。

驛馬見於四課之末,係心血來潮臨時即興之舉。中傳卯為生炁,亦如我第一個post所講,生氣勃勃,一味熱血也。畫夜貴人同時上傳,莫非有所指?官殺 攻身賴日上午之青龍來生,午逢空亡難免有隱憂,午者文章也,不排除行文不留神,比人有位入。幸好係夏季之占,輾轉化官殺生身,所憂者所謀多拙逢羅網,開站 日久難免會就住就住,未必能暢所欲言也。

整體黎講呢個時間唔算好好,但尚算可用。於是第一個post係急就章下寫成(註︰之前個時辰麻麻,之後睇唔切),其實係先寫一半post出黎,後寫一半再republish。

寫咁多為乜?純為立此存照,睇吓所學究竟有用無用啫。術數雖為小道,但咩叫中華文化?此之謂也。如果閣下立志做大中華膠,當然係閣下既自由,不過事前了解吓咩叫中華文化,同本土派開片時或者會有幫助既。

始終日嗌夜嗌包容唔同文化,原來只係包容走私奶粉大米,係公眾場所大小異便呢挺文化,Sorry,崇優鄙劣既天性同我講,“Now, if I was a gentleman, I wouldn’t want to know.”