政治港童

暑假尾聲,開學在即,天下父母心又要操勞莘莘學子的校園生活。港童呢個term,相信大家都耳熟能詳。凡自理能力低,依賴性強,情緒波動不穩,自戀自憐,自命為王子公主的香港孩童,名之為港童。由於香港八九十年代起經濟起飛,衣食豐足,小型核心家庭興起,教育的商品化,造成家長對子女過份呵護備至,以至孩童連最基本的自理求生能力亦都失去。這些原因,連牛頭角順嫂都知,不贅。

港童的孿生物是怪獸家長,兩者是一體兩面,互為因果,雞與蛋孰先孰後,早已混沌難解。港孩和怪獸家長,都是自我中心的產物︰港孩認為世界所有人包括父母老師都是圍著自己轉,怪獸家長則認為校長教師要圍著自己和自己的小孩轉。怪獸家長的前半生,是港男港女,再往上推,就是第一代港童。

kong child

港童現象固多人留意,然而比港童更加禍百端的,叫做「政治港童」現象。港童缺乏自理能力,影響的除自身外,最多只是其父母家長﹔「政治港童」不止影響個人命運和家業,他們終日散佈失敗主義和投降主義,他們的懦弱和犬儒,動搖的是整個香港社會民心。

「政治港童」者,並非指其年齡,而係指其心智。香港大部份的成年人,都是「政治港童」。政治港童者,實非童也。他們橫跨老中青世代,遍佈貧富中產各階層。「政治港童」的年齡或許夠做你阿爺有餘,個人資產報表裡面或者有幾層樓收租,但這些人在政治上的態度,跟孩童毫無分別。孩童不識表達自己,所以肚餓眼瞓就只懂喊,遭人欺凌就只懂抓著媽咪的裙腳。

心智不成熟的人,面對逆境和壓力,第一步想到的,就是逃避退縮。譬如某港童在學校被惡霸欺負後,就賴在家中不肯上學,選擇逃避問題,此其一。若無可奈何之下被逼上學,面對欺凌,則依仗大人的權力,躲在家長或老師身後,由大人出頭,而不是由自己嘗試解決問題,此其二。缺乏個人自理能力,明明成年人一個卻扮細路,裝無知,期望有人出手相助,無人搭理時則自怨自艾,哭哭啼啼,卻不會思考解決問題方法,有方法又無膽無信心去嘗試,任由事情惡化下去,此其三。三項港童特徵,在香港人之中,在所多見。

第一種人佔最多,日嗌夜嗌搵夠錢要移民者是也。有能力移民的,早就在三十年前移了。剩下來那批嗌移民的,不是不知道這個城巿問題的所在,只是認為自己沒有能力沒有膽量也沒有責任去解決。三十年前想移民尚算是合乎邏輯的做法(姑且不論其責任感),現在才想移民則是天真愚昧的想法。三十年前美加英澳,尚算是「Locust-free」之地,乘桴浮海,尚有安居樂業之地。三十年後,環顧世界各地,比你有錢有權的大陸移民多的是。如果你移民是想逃避梁振英,逃避中共政權的壓逼,逃避大陸人改變你的生活方式,普天之下莫非蝗土,你認為自己逃得掉嗎?蝗蟲的觸手,早已利用貪腐而來的財力和移民目的地的法律漏洞,滲透歐美文明世界,無孔不入了。孤身移民海外的你,往往發現原來自己只是沒有逃出五指山的孫悟空。花盡畢生積蓄,走到天涯海角,到頭來依然是避不了,真是情何以堪?

你走了,就正中了中共港共的下懷。他們來的目的,是搶錢搶地(搶女人?)。你走了,香港人的集體力量又少了一分。中共最喜歡的,就是個人力量的零碎化。將鄰里、宗族以至家庭的紐帶拆解,挑起人性深處互相猜疑的魔性,反抗的力量就自我崩解,面對國家機器之下變得微不足道。

怯懦、退縮、逃跑,是稚童的行為,而且註定被人欺凌 ― 不管你居於那個社會。猶太人千年來就是過著東逃西竄,寄人籬下的日子,直到他們建立自己的國家。

第二種人,是終日希望英國能收回香港,或英美出兵幫助香港的人。英國收回香港能夠成立的前題,是香港人真正能做到民族自決,然後再訴諸香港與英國之間的歷史聯繫,尋求奧援。這種人是沒有計劃令這種想法變得可行,而只是像小童遭人欺凌就掹住阿媽衫尾,等大人代為出頭。香港人飽受中共港共政權壓逼,卻不知現實政治之殘酷,以為國際政治等同兒童樂園,掹住英國美國衫尾,就有阿媽幫。人必自侮然後人侮之,英國人留給港人的制度基建在當時甚至今日的標準來看都非常完備,香港有自己的法制、貨幣、稅制以至金融會計海事航運交通的制度,只差一個普選議會和軍事外交權,香港已是一個相當接近主權獨立的國家。

偏偏香港人不懂惦量自己制度文化的優勢,終日妄自菲薄,引喻失義,一味奢望他人代勞。要人地幫你,最基本要有自己的論述,自己的定位立場,清楚知道要達成甚麼目標,香港要航往何方。自己都唔知自己想點,又如何說服他人落注?唔道以為好似打機咁,按幾個掣,隻航空母艦就識自己駛黎,戰機就自動識飛將敵人炸個粉碎?強如英美,一樣要向自己的國民和議會負責。就算在香港進行代理人戰爭,也只會做有限度的介入。兩國從來都是無寶不落的。

第三種,就係近日才彷彿如夢初醒,問「香港點解會搞成咁?」的人。經常私疑自己跟這些人究竟是不是活在同一個城巿同一個時空,抑或剛從火星抵埗?問得出呢個問題既人,係真唔知定裝無知?對著這些人,你會以為他們是二十年前成為了植物人,直到最近才突然甦醒過來。回應這些人,最好的方法是反問他們︰中英聯合聲明簽訂時你係邊?六四時你係邊?九七時你係邊?甚至近至梁振英上台時你係邊?反國教時你又係邊?香港人曾經有好多機會︰一九八四、一九八九、二零零三到依家,可惜人人就是今歲不戰,明年不征,坐待滅亡。總是認為搵錢返工大過天,總是以為香港人的事可以假手於人。如此又同要菲傭服侍綁鞋帶和洗頭沖涼的港童又有何分別?

以政治尺度而言,香港人仍然係未長大的童蒙。一個心智成熟的成年人,首先具備整全自我意識,有整全的自我意識,方具備獨立的人格,從而發展出對事情的責任感和解決問題的意志和執行力。香港建城接近二百年,對比中共區區六十年,做得太公有餘﹔只是香港人接受英國人太過呵護備至的豢養,至今仍然吸吮著奶嘴。因此香港人在政治上集體表現出來的見解愚昧無知,行事作風天真而情緒化。香港有今日,絕對是大家自找的。

國際政治,就是龍潭虎穴。香港人再扮孩童,成為獅子老虎的點心,是最合理的結局。

Reform of Chinese people’s Economic Perspective (1) – Economic Perspective under Empiricism

No ideology, system or economy can sustain forever. There are times when they malfunction, but many people fail to realize that. Restrained by their own experiences, many people believe that what they did to their previous successes are iron rules. When other people fail, they come to conclude that those people fail as they violate their iron rules. Similarly, when some people witness others’ success and their own failures, they will take others’ ways as iron rules to success.

The best example is studying. Many those who think their life is full of disappointments often come to an illusion that if they had studied harder in the past, their life could have been smoother. These people will therefore press their children hard on studying. Naturally, it often comes at the end that even they study hard, their life is still the same.

Those who fail to realize that will blame on the younger generation as losers, “Strawberry Generation”, good for nothing, etc. They just misunderstand that by use of past experience can solve the problems nowadays.

They are damn wrong.

The reality is the world has changed, the environment has changed. The ways of success in the past are no longer successful nowadays. The past successes become today’s curses. Past formulas to success are now obsolete; keeping use of obsolete ways is the reason of failure. Reasons that the Qing Dynasty conquered Ming Dynasty were the same reasons of its loss to the West. The reasons of recent successes are the seeds of failures tomorrow.

When the majority fails to understand this, they can bring no changes. Facing the failures, they can only use the old ways to deal with the new situation, and to make things worse. For instance, in the times of economic downturn, everyone goes to take civil service examinations. Even they pass the exams, it doesn’t bring improvements. Those who aspired to change the environment gave up their aspirations when they found safe seats in the establishment.

While talking about research and invention, the first thing that comes to peoples’ mind is “letting others to do it” instead of “let me do it”. That is the reason of failures.

In our society, when most people who are barely affordable to real estates prefer to buy the property and take the mortgage loan instead of investing the money in technological development, it seems clear that our society is superstitious in tangible assets.

殺人犯也是鄰舍

梁文道八月九日發表的那篇《仇人也是鄰舍》起題的確是一絕。其絕者,在其題目非常之有前瞻性。單單將梁文道看成是語言偽術家,確實太小覷他了。看來梁文道是Nostradamus式預言大師和John Titor式未來撚的混合體。早在施君龍移居香港的報導出街前兩星期,就已經料到這個香港人的仇人正式成為鄰舍了。也許梁道長曾經焚香沐浴,蓍草占筮後天人感應,得知其事,故此寫下該篇大作,以振聾發聵,好教化一下那班開口埋口本土城邦的頑劣刁民也。

施君龍這個人,夠格做香港人的仇人有餘了。施君龍在入境處放的那把火,是野蠻人對這個文明城巿的首個警號,是侵略者點燃的烽火狼煙。當時香港的主權被移交予中國才不過三年,不少人依然沈浸於政局表面的風平浪靜,覺得「中央大把野煩,邊有咁得閒搞你香港丫」,對中共的人口清洗政策毫無警覺。這把火提醒所有生活在文明禮教下的人們,野蠻的確是可以戰勝文明的,只是我們總是不讀歷史,總是太善忘。此人之行徑,與其所原產國的同胞們的行為可謂一脈相承,相差者乃程度之別。小至插隊爭先,中至隨地出恭,大至殺人放火,都是在表達他們對我們的文明法治,禮樂倫理的鄙夷與不屑。總之,因為香港是中國的,所以他們在這裡大小二便到殺人放火,都是代表國家在香港宣示主權的行為,好好教訓一下香港這班崇洋英奴,揚我天朝國威。

本來殺人放火之罪,案件付諸有司,犯人遭逮受刑,刑滿遣返,犯人與香港社會,早已各行各路,兩不相欠。只怪香港人馴如羊,鈍如豬,兼充斥大量《仇人也是鄰舍》之類與敵人暗通款曲的意見領袖,比著我係中共,當然要試一試你們的底線可以去到幾盡。對手大開中門,自比甘地耶穌,包容大愛,我當然長驅大進,直搗黃龍了。

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對於施君龍取得香港居留權一事,入境主任協會主席倪錫水指,「有啲傷痛要放低」,又謂「當事人是經過本港司法制度獲判罪和服刑,已對其錯誤行為付了代價,如今亦是依法申請來港,要尊重機制。」對照先前林慧思事件,倪生的反應是「我哋入境處所有紀律部隊公會一致全力支持警隊兄弟有尊嚴地依法執行職務,當中不應受到辱罵及無理挑釁,更不容受到其他人士及組織的任何威嚇!」殺人可恕,粗口難饒,高見高見。

施君龍當然如倪生所講,接受了應有的懲罰了 ― 成為香港人這個被詛咒的民族的一份子就是最大的懲罰。照目前速度計,香港人滅族的日子大概不遠矣,好快施生好快又可以堂堂正正做番中國人了。

至於那些開口埋口本土城邦的頑劣刁民們,不管你有多討厭施君龍,最後你還是要和他一起共存在這座城市。不管你有多不喜歡殺過人放過火的新移民,他們也還是這個地方的一份子。很不幸地,就算到了香港有了民主普選的那一天,他們也還是你的「同胞」。This is your fate,認了吧。

Reforms and Bureaucracy

The bureaucratic system experienced a collapse in recent age, this enabled elites to enjoy a brief period being able to voice out their thinking. In the past, those in power implanted their thinking into the system and claimed theirs as the legitimate Chinese thinking, then blamed on others not adhering to it. The problem lied on those officials who regarded themselves as elites: being the winners of Imperial Examinations. As these people were in power, they could claim their thinking represented the legitimate thinking of Chinese culture. This is the case even today. Many who aspire to reform the society will join the establishment to become a part of the bureaucracy. The thinking like “to infiltrate the system” and “Only the winner following the established rules has the right to reform” is still prevalent even in modern Chinese society.

There is no hope for these reforms to succeed under this kind of thinking. Once you climb to the peak of bureaucracy, you become inseparable part of it.

There are always someone who senses the problems of the society and the system. By preventing them from joining together as a group and keeping them isolated, they will start to regard their own thinking as some kind of heresy and stay mute. Even they want to say something, they will hold their tongues due to his limited power.

Then, by making use their ambitions to reform the society, it is quite easy to attract them into the power structure. Just give them some power but unimportant posts. Just let them waste their lives on realizing partial and piecemeal ideals, to give up the struggle on real big issues. Just put them into some immaterial affairs which pose no threat to the structure.

These are the middle level civil servants whom we see in the bureaucracy. Just let them embrace the hope to reform by staying in the establishment, to exploit all their energies. When their time of retirement comes, they will come to realize their efforts are in vain: they can reform nothing except by being rewarded with a decent amount of pension, and finally become the hardcore supporters of the establishment throughout the rest of their lives.

Reforming the structure by joining it is the ambition of many. But the rate of success is near to zero.

In the western society, everyone with different thinking gets the opportunity to try his own way. Result will tell who the winner is. However, in the Chinese society, the mainstream ideology is too powerful to become hegemony. Even that thinking is full of flaws and mistakes, it can still sustain and crowd out the others by the backup by political power. People may have different views, but everyone is forced to take the same way, marginalizing the other possibilities.

Democracy and reforms can improve the society, but only in a long run. It is easy to destroy democracy and reforms: just to invent something harmful but irrelevant during the reform goes on, citizens will vent their anger on the reform itself, which in turn destroys everything.

代議士的墮落

(原載於熱血時報)

立法會議員攜同家屬接受國泰航空邀請,以參觀空中巴士廠之名,到法國南部走過浮華大地,食盡香餚美酒,盡興而歸。事後民主黨議員何俊仁接受傳媒質詢時表示是次行程有申報,「不覺得議員應邀到法國是接受款待」。事後又出聲明承認敏感度不足。

也難怪陳茂波囤地涉及利益衝突之事可以不了了之,兔死狐悲嘛。都係漏咗申報之嘛,做乜要窮追猛打唧?

對 於保皇黨一眾,也就罷了,反正其無恥行徑早已深入民心,人盡皆知。惟獨這個民主黨何俊仁,自稱一路走來始終如一,去年的立法會選舉尚有不少人含淚投票給 他,「係堆爛生果中揀個無咁爛」。不幸的是這個人不只是冥頑不靈的大中華主義者,其人格誠信亦瀕臨破產。生果,原來個個都係咁爛,只是這個看上去色澤正常 一點而已。

議員自己一人以考察為名接受邀請,尚且可以勉強用考察為藉口開脫,辯稱機票食宿為考察的相關而必需的支出。然而攜同家人乘此機 會歐遊,則難以說服公眾此行純為考察。陳茂波囤地涉及利益衝突的風波話音未落,何俊仁卻對這種可能引起利益衝突嫌疑的款待竟然甘之如飴,似乎此人在議事廳 內唔係瞓覺,就係遊緊魂。機場興建第三條跑道所涉及航空公司之間的利益,何生似乎亦無所警覺。何俊仁擔任立法會議員長近二十年,不可能像新丁般以「敏感度 不足」為由開脫。

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觀微知著,一個有少少著數立即帶同成家人舔到盡的代議士,其行為係非常之Chinese,亦即陶傑所講的小農DNA。而 一個如此Chinese,如此貪圖小便宜的人,可以相信這個浮士德的靈魂,早已抵押給魔鬼。這個人會有幾大決心捍衛香港人利益,識者皆心中有數。還在妄想 立法會議員在建制內可以給你爭取到普選,以為將政治責任外判給代議士之後就可以不理政治的人,祝你們好運。

Elites and Bureaucracy

The top elites of a society should be contributing their talents in the private sector. They should become the managers or leaders, so that they can make best use of their initiative and creativity under liberal environment. They can try new technology, methods and management process to generate profits and to improve the society. They should not be trapped in bureaucracy, under which their initiative is curbed by the complex structure.

If all the talented elites become civil servants, all creativity and initiative are restrained by bureaucracy: a system with low mobility, encouraging evasion of errors by doing less, and everyone becomes a mediocre. Those who are not will find themselves unable to make use of their talents. Civil service requires someone who wishes to live a constant life. These guys are reliable as they are responsible for their own responsibilities. Those good in examinations are often such kind of people.

Talented elites may not be talented in examinations. Many prominent entrepreneurs do not have good academic performance. What they have are the ability and the courage to make decisions, they are not rule followers. Bureaucracy, however, needs rule followers. Civil service does not need talented decision makers; it needs someone who will not do someone they should not, or too greedy to earn money other than his salary. In return, the government often guarantees their retirement life, as these people will not have much extra saving upon retirement.

Enterprises exist for growth and profits. Governments exist for safety and perpetuity. Enterprises need creativity. Governments need safety. Two concepts should not be mixed up.

Civil service is a costly system with low efficiency, and conservative. This means that it incurs burden on the society rather than generating profits. That is why the seats in civil service are limited. If everyone is a civil servant, the economy will collapse.

Using examination as a way to turn submissive bookworms into civil servants is not wrong. What is problematic is a society in which the youngsters have no career and no hope without becoming a civil servant. It is a distorted and abnormal development for a society when the ambitious youngsters are unable to achieve their aspirations, and are prematurely trapped in a rigid bureaucracy by sacrificing their freedom and personal development.

Stagnation of a society is not the result of lack of elites as civil servants. It is because of the lack of opportunities of development for them in the private sector.

客家佔地主 得隴復望蜀

社區組織協會幹事施麗珊與平機會主席周一嶽會面,指有新移民婦女表示日常生活經常遭到歧視,建議政府取消居港七年限制的政策,取消非永久居民的身份,修改《種族歧視條例》,新移民可以投考公務員,有權投票。周一嶽則表示不排除立法保障新移民。

施 麗珊的口吻,是否非常似曾相識?無錯,正如韓寒所講,世上有兩種邏輯,一種叫邏輯,另一種叫做「中國邏輯」。施麗珊手持的雖然是香港永久居民身份證,邏輯 思維卻是不折不扣的「中國人」。中國邏輯,就是只講權利,不講義務,龍門任搬的邏輯。中國邏輯,從來都係一個模樣,稍具邏輯思維訓練,都不難看出,其目的 往往只有一個,就係攞著數。

當你跟這些人說全世界都有法規區分永久居民和非永久居民的權利義務,佢就同你講︰既然香港是中國的,大爺來到香港立即做永久居民,考公務員,享受永久居民既社會福利,係天經地義。你們的是我們的,大家都係中國人,一家人嘛。

當你跟這些人講香港《入境條例》對永久居民和非永久居民的身份有嚴格區別,香港係法治社會,要遵從一國兩制同《基本法》既規定。佢就同你講︰《入境條例》條例係歧視新移民,我嫁得俾傷港人,典解唔係擁九豬眠?典解要喎地等七年?

當你同佢講你唔等得既話,你有權利返去你既祖國,佢又話自己老公係傷港人,話你歧視。

所以政府派六千蚊俾新移民,他們不會有一絲感激,反而覺得是天公地道。要住滿七年先有得輪公屋,領綜援,就係歧視。

社區組織協會

九 七年前來港的新移民,一來人數尚算有限制,二來懾於英人管治香港的聲望,大多勤勤勉勉,行事守法不逾矩,學講本地話,服膺於香港之制度文明,努力令自己看 上去像個香港人,甚至比香港人更香港人。九七後香港社會禮崩樂壞,加上港共政權暗中大開關門,任由魑魅魍魎殖民香港,其囂張跋扈,桀驁不馴的態度,令本土 居民瞠目結舌。

然而最奇妙的是各大討論區留言的反應。對於施麗珊的「取消居港七年限制」論,應者寥寥。一般而言,每逢涉及重大的政治或族群 議題,Yahoo和DiscussHK等討論區的五毛地痞必定空群而出,搶佔輿輪陣地。看倌當然無須驚訝,居港的五毛地痞也是中國人,腦子裡裝的自然也是 中國邏輯。五毛地痞大都是已經達陣晉身永久居民的既得利益者,依據中國邏輯的運作法則,「輸打贏要」就是他們最高的指導思想。正如一架坐得滿滿的巴士,在 下面排隊的人當然要使出吃奶的力逼上去,到上得巴士後當然是儘力擴闊自己的空間,用力將試圖上車的人擠出巴士。因此各大討論區反對施麗珊的聲音自然是一面 倒。

安排新移民來港是長做長有的大生意,正如大力支持雙非來港產卵的私家醫生和大力支持增加大陸人學位的大學教授一樣,施麗珊當然不是傻 的。(若果由筆者來做這門大生意,肯定搵人開間中介公司搞一條龍服務,想創業發達住半山的人有福了)傻的只是那些將賊匪迎入家門還要將妻兒財產乖乖奉上的 香港人。做奴隸的命運,是你們自己選擇的。